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AUS/NZ National Security Dialogue
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Visit to Sydney
ANDREW KIBBLEWHITE
CHIEF EXECUTIVE, DPMC
BROOK BARRINGTON
CHIEF EXECUTIVE, MFAT
INFORMATION
HELENE QUILTER
SECRETARY OF DEFENCE
LIEUTENANT GENERAL, TIM KEATING
OFFICIAL
CHIEF OF DEFENCE FORCE
THE
REBECCA KITTERIDGE
DIRECTOR, NZSIS
ANDREW HAMPTON
UNDER DIRECTOR, GCSB
HOWARD BROAD
DEPUTY CHIEF EXECUTIVE, DPMC
CATRIONA ROBINSON
RELEASED DIRECTOR NATIONAL SECURITY, DPMC
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Wednesday, 19 October – Wellington/Sydney
4.00pm NZST
Howard Broad
Catriona Robinson
Depart Wellington on Flight NZ849
Travel time: 3hrs 45mins
5.45pm AEST
Howard Broad
Catriona Robinson
1982
Arrive in Sydney (Kingsford-Smith) International Airport on Flight NZ849
Transfer from Airport to Hotel
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Transport: Taxi
Accommodation s6(a)
Own
arrangements
Thursday, 20 October – Wellington/Sydney
INFORMATION
1.15pm AEST
Andrew Hampton
Departs Canberra on Flight NZ7609
2.05pm AEST
Andrew Hampton
Arrives Sydney Domestic Terminal
4.00pm NZST
Andrew Kibblewhite
Brook Barrington
OFFICIAL
Helene Quilter
Rebecca Kitteridge
Depart Wellington on Flight NZ849
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Travel time: 3hrs 45mins
5.45pm AEST
Andrew Kibblewhite
Brook Barrington
Helene Quilter
Rebecca Kitteridge
Arrive in Sydney (Kingsford-Smith) International Airport on Flight NZ849
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Transfer from Airport to Hotel
Transport: Taxi
Accommodation s6(a)
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7.15pm
Transfer
from
Hotel to s6(a)
Transport: Walk (10 mins)
High Commissioner Chris Seed to meet attendees in the lobby at 7.15pm. In the
event of bad weather taxis to be used.
s6(a) - map
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INFORMATION
7.30pm -
Welcome Dinner
10.00pm
Theme: Informal discussion on the ‘state of the world’ including national security
trends and key international developments. Discussion to include US politics.
OFFICIAL
Format: Andrew Kibblewhite and s6(a)
to offer short (2-3 mins)
introductory comments. s6(a)
Office of National
Assessments, to provide a 10 minute presentation framing key international
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strategic risks.
Location:
s6(a)
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Transfer from s6(a)
to Hotel
(10 minute walk or 5 minute taxi ride)
Own
arrangements
Friday, 21 October – Sydney/Wellington OR Sydney/Auckland
Breakfast – own arrangements
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7.40am –
Transfer from Hotel to s6(a)
7:45am
Transport: Walk (5 mins)
High Commissioner Chris Seed to meet attendees in the lobby at 7.40am. In the
event of bad weather taxis to be used
s6(a) - map
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Note - Security considerations: As the meeting will be held in a high-security venue, access to mobile phones,
laptops or tablets during the day will be limited. The following mobile will be
INFORMATION
monitored at all time for any urgent messages s6(a)
.
Please ensure you bring photo identification. This will be required to access the
meeting venue.
8.00am -
Welcome and Introductory Remarks
8.30am
OFFICIAL
Co-chairs: s6(a)
(PM&C), Andrew Kibblewhite (DPMC)
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To include a discussion about the aim of the Dialogue and what each side hopes
to achieve from it – both this meeting and in the future
8.30am -
Session 1: Sharing perspectives
9.30am
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Ensuring collective understanding of each country’s national security narrative,
context and respective capability endeavours, including:
‐
Organisation/legislative reform
‐
Building public trust in, and encouraging engagement with, security
agencies
9.30am -
Coffee Break
9.50am
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9.50am -
Session 2: Responding to common challenges
12.00pm
Building on the broad overview provided in the previous session, an opportunity
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to engage in more detailed discussions on three prioritised areas of interest
where we have common objectives and that engage all agencies around the
table.
s6(a)
‐
‐
Challenges in the Pacific
12.00pm -
Lunch
12.45pm
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12.45pm -
Session 2 (cont.)
2.00pm
‐
The Pacific (cont.)
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‐
Collective strategies to manage risk of violent extremism, especially at
home and in our near abroad.
2.00pm -
Coffee Break
2.15pm
2.15pm -
Session 3: Priorities for working together
3.00pm
Identifying where the gaps are, or duplications, and opportunities where we can
do more together, for example:
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‐
Develop and sustain joint capabilities
‐
Opportunities for joint regional endeavours
‐
Identifying for progression a specific opportunity for shared endeavour
3.00pm -
Concluding Session: Wrap up and next steps
3.30pm
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3.30pm –
Transfer from s6(a)
to Hotel
3:35pm
Transport: Walk (5 mins)
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3.45pm
Transfer from Hotel to Airport
Transport: Taxi
4.55pm
Arrive at Sydney (Kingsford-Smith) International Airport
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Check in for Flight
Proceed through security
Proceed to Lounge (if needed)
6.45pm AEST
Andrew Kibblewhite
Helene Quilter
Rebecca Kitteridge
Andrew Hampton
RELEASED Depart Sydney (Kingsford-Smith) International Airport on Flight NZ842
Travel time:3hrs 14mins
6.55pm AEST
Brook Barrington
Depart Sydney (Kingsford-Smith) International Airport on Flight NZ108
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11.59pm NZST
Andrew Kibblewhite
Helene Quilter
Rebecca Kitteridge
Andrew Hampton
Flight NZ842 arrives in Wellington
11.59pm NZST
Brook Barrington
Flight NZ108 arrives in Auckland
1982
Saturday, 22 October – Sydney/Wellington
Own
arrangements
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6:30am -
Transfer from Hotel to Airport
7:45am
Transport: Taxi
7.45am
Arrive at Sydney (Kingsford-Smith) International Airport
Check in for Flight
Proceed through security
Proceed to Lounge (if needed)
9.45am
Howard Broad
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Catriona Robinson
Depart Sydney (Kingsford-Smith) International Airport on Flight NZ846
Travel time:3hrs 14mins
3.00pm NZST
Howard Broad
Catriona Robinson
Flight NZ846 arrives in Wellington
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CANBERRA CONTACTS New Zealand High Commission
Main: +61 2 6270 4211
65 Canberra Avenue
Fax: +61 2 6273 3194
Griffith
Chris Seed
Office: s9(2)(a)
High Commissioner
Mobile: s9(2)(a)
Residence: s9(2)(a)
Llewellyn Roberts
Office: s9(2)(a)
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Deputy High Commissioner
Mobile: s9(2)(a)
Mike Ketchen
Office: s9(2)(a)
Counsellor
Mobile: s9(2)(a)
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SYDNEY CONTACTS New Zealand Consulate-General
Main: +61 2 8256 2000
Level 10, 55 Hunter Street, Sydney
Fax: +61 2 9221 7836
Billie Moore
Office: s9(2)(a)
Consul-General
Mobile: s9(2)(a)
s9(2)(a)
Office: s9(2)(a)
Administration Manager
Mobile: s9(2)(a)
s9(2)(a)
Office: s9(2)(a)
Team Administrator Consular
Mobile: s9(2)(a)
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Australia‐New Zealand National Security Dialogue – Annotated Agenda
Thursday 20 October
7:30 –
Welcome Dinner
10:0pm
You and Andrew Kibblewhite will both give a brief welcome (2‐3 minutes each)
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Ask s6(a)
to give a 5‐ 10 minute talk on the global and regional outlook,
including major strategic pressure points and tests.
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Open the discussion for contributions from other participants.
Friday 21 October
8.00am
Welcome and introductory remarks
Open with welcome and remarks about the purpose of the day (5 minutes).
Andrew Kibblewhite introductory remarks (5 minutes).
Open the conversation to contributions from the participants.
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8:30am
Session 1 –
Australia to introduce the session
Organisation and legislative reform (30 minutes)
Australia to lead discussion
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Ask s6(a)
to open discussion on organisational reform.
(Andrew Kibblewhite to ask NZ representative for first response)
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Ask s6(a)
about counter‐terrorism reforms.
Ask s6(a)
to discuss the cyber strategy.
Building public trust in, and encouraging engagement with, security agencies (30
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minutes)
New Zealand to lead discussion
Ask
s6(a)
to open discussion on building public trust in, and encouraging
engagement with, security agencies.
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9:30am
Session 2 –
New Zealand to introduce the session
s6(a)
Australia to lead discussion
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Ask s6(a)
to open discussion.
(Andrew Kibblewhite to ask NZ representative for first response)
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You may wish to ask CDF to follow.
Pacific
New Zealand to lead discussion
Ask s6(a)
to comment.
You may wish to ask s6(a)
to follow.
12:00
Lunch
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12:45pm
Session 2 continued –
Strategies for managing risk of violent extremism
Australia to lead discussion
Asks6(a)
to open discussion.
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(Andrew Kibblewhite to ask NZ representative for first response)
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2:00
Coffee
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___
2:15
Session 3 – Priorities for working together
New Zealand to introduce the session
Australia to lead discussion on defence force capabilities
Ask s6(a)
to open discussion of defence force capabilities (development and
sustainment) and opportunities for joint endeavours.
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(Andrew Kibblewhite to ask NZ representative for first response)
Australia to lead discussion on intelligence capabilities
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Ask s6(a)
to open discussion of intelligence capabilities (development and
sustainment) and opportunities for joint endeavours.
(Andrew Kibblewhite to ask NZ representative for first response)
3:00pm
Wrap‐up
Australia to introduce the session
3:30pm
Depart to Airport
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DEPARTMENT
of the PRIME MINISTER
and CABINET
Australia-New Zealand National Security Dialogue, Sydney, 20-21 October 2016
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Andrew Kibblewhite, Chief Executive, DPMC
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Dinner, Thursday Evening
Aim: members of both delegations will have the opportunity to speak for a few
minutes each on any “top of mind” issues.
What you might like to focus on: you have indicated your interest in raising the
question of a post-Obama era particularly with respect to our neighbourhood? What
might a post-Obama presidency mean for the US ‘rebalance’ towards Asia? What
are the chances for the TPP under either Trump or Clinton? What does a ‘worst
INFORMATION
possible scenario’ post-8 November look like?
Joint PMs Statement – Australia and New Zealand
Prime Minister the Hon Malcolm Turnbull MP and Prime Minister the Rt Hon John
OFFICIAL
Key met in Sydney on 19 February 2016 for the annual Australia-New Zealand
Leaders’ Meeting.
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The Prime Ministers emphasised that the enduring strength of the Australia-New
Zealand relationship lay in the close bonds between our people, the extraordinary
depth of our economic linkages, our shared values and outlook and strong sense of
community. The visit yielded agreement to further deepen cooperation and
collaboration between the two countries to enhance the prosperity and security of
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Australians and New Zealanders.
To further enhance strategic cooperation and strengthen responses to
domestic security challenges, the Prime Ministers agreed their
departmental secretaries would lead an annual dialogue on national
security between the heads of Australian and New Zealand policy,
intelligence and security agencies.
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What will a post-Obama presidency look like?
s6(a)
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Most likely scenario
s6(a)
1982
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Implications for the Trans-Pacific partnership (TPP)
s6(a)
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1982
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Introductory Comments, Friday Morning
Your aim: to provide some introductory remarks to open the Dialogue along the lines
of: Why are we here? What does success look like? How do we collectively engage?
What might the future hold?
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Key Points
s6(a)
ACT
The Trans-Tasman relationship makes both countries stronger.
The cornerstone of the bilateral relationship is broad dialogue. The hope is
that, from a security perspective, the proposed annual Australia New Zealand
National Security Dialogue will go on to play an important role in keeping that
dialogue moving forward.
This inaugural Dialogue, then, is an opportunity to take stock of the Trans-
Tasman security relationship at a moment of increasing global insecurity.
INFORMATION
It should provide a constructive forum in which to talk about any points of
difference that may lead to friction in the relationship, while reaffirming that:
Our shared understandings and common interests are too important to
let small differences get in the way.
Longer-term,
the
Dialogue is about:
establishing a platform intended to create the conditions for more
OFFICIAL
aligned and collaborative endeavour on national security issues; and
support a “no surprises” approach to Trans-Tasman national security
policy development by facilitating the free flow of information both
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ways, and through an open and trusting relationship.
Comparing National Security Systems
It is not expected that any specific measures will be agreed at this first up
meeting – it is not intended to be a pledging session.
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It is, however, an opportunity to:
strengthen the community of A-NZ national security chief executives
build greater awareness of each country’s national security context
and hear where each other’s national security systems are at.
From New Zealand’s perspective, it is an opportunity to market ourselves as
having built a professional, capable and nimble national security system, by
outlining:
RELEASED the overall architecture of the system in both response and strategic
modes
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the SIB’s progress toward genuinely collaborative sector leadership as
(as enshrined in the BPS objectives)
new resources; investments and reforms
intelligence priorities/risk register
Also an opportunity for us to hear how the Australian system is tackling some
specific sector wide capabilities that we have struggled to progress i.e.
national security workforces and classified networks.
1982
The Australia-New Zealand relationship
New Zealand and Australia will continue to cooperate closely in meeting the
ACT
increasingly wide ranging and complex international security challenges we face.
“Mateship.” To use a popular (albeit highly gendered) Australian cultural idiom, our
vision is for the Australia-New Zealand relationship to continue to be one built on the
idea of “mateship” - that it is a relationship that embodies equality, loyalty and
friendship.
In one sense, this history of cooperation between Australia and New Zealand goes
back to the ANZAC spirit forged in the trenches of World War I.
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And our two nations have continued to strengthen military cooperation
through combined military deployments to places such as Timor Leste,
Solomon Islands and, much more recently, in Iraq.
But of course the relationship, even in a purely security sense, is broader than just
the military dimension. We have been cooperating on a wide range of economic,
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diplomatic and security initiatives stretching back from right now to a time well before
our young men fought and died together on the beaches of Gallipoli.
We share one of the deepest trading relationships in the world. We share wider
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economic interests, regional interests, and common positions on many of the issues
facing the global community.
[Refer back to last night’s “state of the world” discussion.]
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In response to this changing landscape, we need to both help shape our region
through constructive engagement as well as be prepared for any unforeseen
deterioration in the strategic environment.
Why an A-NZ National Security Dialogue?
s6(a)
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s6(a)
That said, it remains the case that each country does have different national
interests, which do not always align. It is perfectly legitimate for the two countries to
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come to different judgements about the various national security risks each faces.
To be a success, this and future Dialogues should be seen as a safe space
where the nature of these differences can be acknowledged openly so that ACT
they can be managed effectively.
And the key is that both countries take a
“no surprises” approach to policy
development where national security issues are concerned.
The ‘value-add’ is in the bringing of a Whole-of-Government perspective
Part of the Dialogue, then, is about understanding one another better (on a system
basis); and part of it is about being joined up better where we can and identifying
opportunities for how we can work even closer together on issues of common
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concern.
For the Dialogue to prove its worth, however, it will need to establish its value add in
the whole-of-government space and not duplicate conversations happening in other
parts of the A-NZ architecture (e.g. ADF-NZDF, MFAT-DFAT, NZIC-AIC
conversations).
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Ultimately the Dialogue presents an opportunity for the two countries to discuss how
well connected we are in responding to the issues under discussion; whether there is
any daylight between our responses; if there is daylight, are we comfortable that this
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is the case; or, is there more we could do jointly. The value of having MoD, NZDF,
MFAT, NZIC around the table is that all the relevant insights and different
approaches are available to the meeting as it occurs.
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Australia – New Zealand National Security Dialogue
s6(a)
Friday 21 October 2016
Session 1: Sharing perspectives
0830 - 0930
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[Australia to lead; New Zealand (Broad) to respond]
Your aim here is to provide New Zealand’s national security perspective - our context,
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priorities, objectives, and major capability endeavours.
In the session immediately preceding this one, Andrew Kibblewhite will have provided
some introductory remarks to open the Dialogue. His initial musings will be along the
line of: Why are we here? What does success look like? How do we collectively
engage? What might the future hold?
At the welcome diner the night before, members of both delegations will have had the
opportunity to speak for a few minutes each on any “top of mind” issues. Andrew’s
comments are likely to cover the question of a post-Obama era particularly with
respect to our neighbourhood. s6(a)
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*
[
Introductory remarks – link back to the conversation at diner the night before.]
OFFICIAL
My job this morning is to give you an overarching view of national security from the
New Zealand perspective. I plan to briefly cover New Zealand’s overall approach to
THE
national security before turning to a consideration of what we see are our national
security challenges and how we are responding to them.
The principles of New Zealand’s national security
As a nation, New Zealand’s national security interests are unusually extensive for our
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size, population and geographic location. They extend far beyond the obvious priorities
of protecting the physical security of citizens, sovereign territory and resources. They
also include maintaining national freedom of action and independence, societal
cohesion and a democratic political system. We likewise seek to maintain the
conditions for prosperity, including secure access to energy supplies and international
markets.
Sitting as Andrew and I do at the centre of government in New Zealand, our mandate
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and other civil emergencies feature on the national security landscape just as regional
instability, espionage, cybersecurity and protection of our troops abroad do. National
security, then, is a broad church of risk.
And so we define the national security outcome as:
“… the condition which permits
1982
the citizens of a state to go about their daily business free from fear and able to
make the most of opportunities to advance their way of life.”
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In New Zealand we have been going about our daily business lately largely free from
fear. And we have been steadily making the most of our opportunities. Continued
advancement of our national security interests, then, is based on a number of enduring
principles.
We will protect ourselves from the risks we face by
“being resilient.” This means that
our systems, people, institutions, physical infrastructure, and communities are able to
anticipate risk, limit impacts, cope with the effects, and adapt or even thrive in the face
of change.
Regional engagement is crucial. This means doing all we can to strengthen the
trans-
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Tasman alliance, which is fundamental, and other alliance-based security structures,
as well as positively influencing the shape of the future regional architecture.
s6(a)
OFFICIAL
We support, and are supported by, an
international rules based order that
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disciplines power through law, custom and convention, and according the same rights
to all countries. At the global level, we have long been active in the highest councils of
world affairs, whether at the United Nations, the World trade Organisation or similar
multi-lateral institutions.
Given how much of our prosperity depends on the international rules based system,
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the case for taking our share of the burden in a collective process is as relevant now
as it ever was. Crucial to our national security policy, therefor, is the role played by a
cadre of professional diplomats led emphatically by Ministers in the Government of the
day.
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National security challenges
[As we touched upon last night] the striking feature of the current international security
environment is its complexity – particularly the sheer range of challenges.
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“Non-traditional” security risks characteristic of the post-Cold War period persist,
joined by a resurgence of risks deriving from geopolitical competition among nations.
s6(a)
ACT
It is by no means clear, anymore,
that economic independence, trade and globalisation will prevent a return to a more
contested regional environment. Major powers are manoeuvring for position, and
some states are prepared to use coercion and the threat of force to gain advantage in
territorial disputes. Some rules, norms and institutions that New Zealand has relied
upon (along with Australia and others in the region) to foster peace and prosperity are
under pressure.
s6(a)
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OFFICIAL
THE
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Some conflicts in the world appear distant. Tensions remain in the Ukraine, the “zone
of conflict” that has captured attention running through North Africa, the Middle East
and into South Asia, now spawns terrorism elsewhere and has propelled a major
refugee crisis in Europe.
In our own
South Pacific region, we observe risk factors including the impact of
climate change, resource depletion, political instability and population movement.
The Pacific is family – we can’t shirk our responsibilities here. Further south the
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s6(a)
We watch closely the marketing of New
Zealand as a substitute
illegal migration destination now that Australia is closed.
Then there is
ISIL/Dae’sh – a terrorist venture sourced in a mix of intra/inter-national
and sectarian disputes. On the one hand ISIL/Dae’sh seeks a fight to gain and hold
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ground. On the other it seeks a fight with non-Islam values and people wherever.
Thus it inspires extremists to “come join them”. Or sends extremists back home to
carry the fight there. Now also we see the self-inspired vulnerable mind just looking
ACT
for a cause to attach their death wish. Finally, as ISIL/Dae’sh “state” comes under
increasing military pressure we see and worry about its ideologically linked seeds
growing around the world.
Terrorism is something that worries us. While not wanting to overstate the situation,
we do see that New Zealanders are being inspired by Da’esh or ISIL propaganda and
messages and that some of them are talking about, or advocating, or planning to
commit violent acts in New Zealand as a result. That’s a big change for New Zealand;
and Martin Place was, I think, a big wake-up call for the people of New Zealand.
Paris and Ottawa are a long way away. Sydney brought home to New Zealanders the
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fact that if it could happen there, it could happen here too. So, regardless of what
happens in the Middle East, the issue for New Zealand of those inspired by ISIL and
its propaganda is not going to be resolved any time soon.
Our EEZ is the fourth largest in the world; the maritime search and rescue zone for
which we’re responsible stretches from Antarctica almost to the Equator. There are all
sorts of resources in and under that water, which we either exploit for ourselves or
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permit others to do so under licence. It’s also a handy transit area for people wanting
to move, say, irregular migrants or illicit goods around our region. The size of our
maritime domain, then, is both an enormous asset and an enormous security issue.
THE
Finally, New Zealand companies with valuable intellectual property are vulnerable to
theft, vandalism, and commercial espionage. There are many interested in our assets
in order to obtain trade and other advantage. Organised crime, with its off-shore links,
threatens in several ways.
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Risk Analysis
So what do we make of our risk environment? The first point is that
“states still
matter”. The rise of religiously based extremism may tempt us to look away from the
actions of nation states as threat actors. But just think of the risks s6(a)
What is true is that an ability to interpret the motivations behind the conduct of
international relations is as important as ever.
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Secondly,
“geography still matters”. Building on the first theme, the excitement
around hyper-connection and globalisation tend to crowd the fact that the issues of
most concern are influenced by geography. Conflict in the Middle East, s6(a)
political instability and climate change influence security in our
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near region. The point is that New Zealand has interests in all these global risk centres
of gravity and the accumulation of risk to us is of concern.
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Thirdly – “security threats to New Zealand are, in the main,
externally driven”. They
may manifest as an internal problem but the ones of most concern are driven by
external factors, namely – risks ranging from corporate espionage, cyber-attack, or
regional instabilities, have their gestation off-shore.
Fourthly -
Complexity rules; where the connected world does impact seriously, is in
the system wide linkages that have developed. We try, therefore, to lift the risk
management sights of enterprises from agency specific issues (which are important
no less) to system wide effect. Crucially, the maintenance of system sight on common
capabilities is a significant success factor.
The Fundamental Pillars of Capability
INFORMATION
New Zealand’s national security policy builds on a number of enduring capabilities.
First, we put a premium on an
activist but nimble diplomatic strategy squarely
aimed at keeping our region, and beyond, peaceful and prosperous. In navigating
today’s turbulent waters, New Zealand recognises that our best course is to build upon
the qualities of adaptability and appropriate modesty that have characterised our
OFFICIAL
external dealings up to the present.
Second is our
New Zealand Defence Force. Responding to New Zealand’s changing
THE
strategic environment, the
2016 Defence White Paper makes sure we have the right
defence capabilities to bring to bear when necessary, in a range of situations from
combat operations to disaster relief, both at home (Christchurch Earthquake) and
abroad.
Thirdly, is the ability of our national security agencies and capabilities to work
UNDER
effectively together in the national interest using a common
national security system.
Like Australia, New Zealand has continued to refine existing arrangements that
enhance national security policy coordination and action rather than establishing
something new like a department of homeland security. Building on what was already
a cohesive national security community, adjustments to the national security system
implemented since 2014 have improved strategic direction and leadership, particularly
in relation to the identification, prioritisation and management of key risks.
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More so than before, New Zealand’s national security system is better able to
coordinate national capabilities around robust
risk management processes. That is,
as a result of the refinements made since 2014, we are today far better positioned to
identify and describe our risks, reduce the likelihood of a security event, build
preparedness for national resilience, respond expertly to events when required and
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recover rapidly and expertly from adversity.
Reforms already well underway in respect of the
intelligence agencies remain
ACT
ongoing. The NZSIS and GCSB are both responding to changes in New Zealand’s
threat environment. In New Zealand, perhaps more so than many other like countries,
and much more so than in Australia, any change to the agencies – legislative, policy
or practice, edges into a very contested political environment.
But the repair of the fracture in public confidence in the agencies, and of the political
consensus around such key components of national security capability, are key
objectives of the current government. This is being pursued down four lines of effort:
Firstly, in the area of mandate – new legislation is directed at governance, structure,
powers, and process
. Secondly, lies in the area of purpose – through the setting of
INFORMATION
intelligence priorities and then checks performance back against those priorities.
And
thirdly, in the area of capability – after a lengthy process, Ministers agreed progressive
development of capabilities was necessary if the agencies were to fulfil their role.
s6(a)
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As I’ve referred to, the area of the difference in appreciation of risk between national
security professionals and the general public is perhaps a problem that is particularly
acute in New Zealand.
We are often accused of drinking the national security kool-aid and thus become too
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amenable to over-reaction to an issue – that is to “over frame it”.. On the other hand,
the public has been entitled to think we are inured against risk by what someone
described to me as the “moat and barrier” strategy. The moat refers to the oceans
ACT
around us and that it takes a determined and skilled traveller to mount an expedition
to invade us. And to do so they have to overcome the “barrier” – Australia……
The public never sees the “what might have been but for….” How well then are we,
the New Zealand public, prepared for the fallout from a security, rather than a natural
hazard event? What would the post event fallout look like? Perhaps “we spent all
this money and still something happens?” Or, “what do you mean you were not sifting
everything on line”. So, here in New Zealand, we worry about advising on the right
policy balance to strike on risk based capabilities.
We worry about relevance and competence. If we cannot strike the right policy for
INFORMATION
prudent risk management, we will err too much on the side of caution. Attention and
investment will wane, capabilities will erode, performance will decline, the existential
questions will dominate and the risks, well they will increase. So, then, we worry that
we will miss something that will end with catastrophic effect. Here, our national
security depends on remaining vigilant: vigilant about our environment, and vigilant
about our capability - without losing touch with those things that make us distinctively
New Zealanders and basically good people… Forewarned, is forearmed.
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s6(a)
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ACT
INFORMATION
OFFICIAL
THE
UNDER
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s6(a)
1982
ACT
INFORMATION
OFFICIAL
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Additional Classified Papers
National Assessments Bureau papers
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s6(a)
s6(a)
ACT
s6(a)
s6(a)
Plus, additional NZIC papers focussed on s6(a)
INFORMATION
OFFICIAL
THE
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Six pages removed from document as withheld in full under section 6(a)
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Session 2.3: Responding to common challenges – countering/preventing
violent extremism, at home and our near abroad.
New Zealand’s domestic threat environment does not warrant development of
anything like the large scale, national approach to address violent extremism such as
that implemented in Australia over the past six years. s6(a)
1982
ACT
‘Violent extremism’ describes the beliefs and actions of people who support or
use violence to achieve ideological, religious or political goals. This includes
terrorism, other forms of politically motivated violence and some forms of
communal violence.
Countering violent extremism (CVE) is an approach which ranges from
preventing people from embracing extreme beliefs (radicalisation) that might lead
to these forms of violence, to reducing active support for terrorist groups.
INFORMATION
It is part of a broader set of initiatives that include social cohesion and community
building objectives, more effective border controls, anti-money laundering, and
clear understanding of the scale and scope of the issue.
Despite recent changes in the domestic threat environment, there are no major
drivers in New Zealand to warrant development of anything like the kind of large-
scale, highly publicised national approach to addressing violent extremism as
OFFICIAL
implemented in Australia.
In September 2014, Australia raised its terror threat level from ‘medium’ to ‘high’
THE
- the first change since the system was introduced in 2002. The National
Terrorism Threat Level remains at ‘probable’, meaning there is credible
intelligence indicating individuals or groups have both the intent and capability to
conduct an attack.
s6(a)
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In light of the increased threats and activity, the Australian Government allocated
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AUS$77.4 million for CVE measures as part of a broader AUS$630 million
counter-terrorism package in 2014 (supplemented by an additional AUS$326.4
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million in the 2015-16 Budget. The 2016-17 Budget included an additional
AUS$5.0 million targeted at CVE.
s6(a)
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s6(a)
ACT
s6(a)
s6(a)
INFORMATION
s6(a)
OFFICIAL
THE
New Zealand’s approach to enhancing social cohesion and community
engagement led by the Department of Internal Affairs and New Zealand Police
respectively, has received a lot of positive attention internationally and is
considered progressive.
UNDER
That said, two years ago the current domestic terrorist threat level in New
Zealand went up from ‘very low’ to ‘low’ – which means that a terrorist attack is
not expected, but is possible. There are some in New Zealand who advocate for
attacks, but their capability is pretty unsophisticated.
In-country networks of people are an important factor in an individual taking the
step from accepting a radical ideology to planning real-world action. Such
networks are largely absent in New Zealand or, if present, are very very small.
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This may well be part of the reason why, although some people in New Zealand
are showing susceptibility to online radicalisation messages, this hasn’t as yet
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followed through to the same sort of attack planning or attempts that Australia
sees.
But this does not mean we can be complacent. In terms of preventing violent
extremism at home, then, our major focus is on preventing the development or
spread of radical messages online.
Social sector agencies are also collaborating with Police and Corrections to ‘wrap
1982
around’ at-risk individuals, especially young people. Noting that the numbers are
very small – these programmes are really only at pilot scale and build on
programmes already in place to help at-risk youth.
ACT
While our respective threat environments currently differ – that is not to say that
it will stay that way. Our two countries are very close to each other – in every
respect. Travel is easy and frequent between our two countries and many
communities share close trans-Tasman links. Anything that impacts Australia
impacts us.
s6(a)
INFORMATION
It is clear from the evolving nature of the threat overseas that violent extremists
are exploiting countries like ours’ open nature and the mobility of the modern
age. For this reason, border management and transportation security remain
critical aspects of our two countries counter-terrorism efforts.
s6(a)
OFFICIAL
THE
More importantly, we need to ensure our approach to intelligence and other
information sharing, both between our two countries and within, is as
comprehensive as it can be.
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Regionally, New Zealand is also committed to regional cooperation on CVE, and
has contributed funding and expertise to a number of regional counter-terrorism
capacity building initiatives, particularly in Indonesia and nearby. We have
supported a series of courses through the Jakarta Centre for Law Enforcement
Cooperation in CVE for law enforcement professionals from around Indonesia
and supported research into CVE through an Indonesian NGO named IPAC.
RELEASED
Internationally, New Zealand is committed to enhancing our partner’s capacity
(civil society and government) to address the drivers of radicalisation, including
through the Global Counter-Terrorism Forum, contributions to the Global
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Community Engagement and Resilience Fund (and recent constituency board
membership with Australia).
In the context of international counter-terrorism fora, we conform to the standard
language and use CVE/counter-radicalisation, but always stress the importance
of community engagement and measures to build social cohesion.
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ACT
INFORMATION
OFFICIAL
THE
UNDER
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Countering Violent Extremism Domestically
Terrorism continues to evolve and several factors have resulted in increased
threats internationally and domestically in recent years. This is a persistent
threat that will require ongoing attention and resources.
Many countries, including Australia and New Zealand, have become
1982
increasingly concerned about, and took additional steps to counter domestic
and international threats. These include nationals fighting with overseas
terrorist and insurgent groups (‘foreign fighters’) and different forms of
ACT
‘homegrown’ terrorism—whether it be individuals associated with particular
groups, or so-called ‘lone wolf’ or ‘lone actor’ threats.
The conflicts in Syria and Iraq, the rise of the ‘Islamic State’ group (IS) and its
declaration of a caliphate in June 2014 are key factors in the heightened terror
threat the world currently faces. While a small number of countries in the
Middle East, South Asia and Africa continue to account for a high proportion
of attacks and resulting deaths, terrorist attacks around the world (including in
Western nations) have increased in both their frequency and, somewhat less
consistently, their severity.
INFORMATION
Recent Trends in Australia
1
In September 2014, Australia raised its terror threat level for the first time since
the system was introduced in 2002. The decision was made in light of the number of
Australians who were joining conflicts in Iraq and Syria (and potentially returning);
supporting overseas extremist groups from Australia; and potentially planning
domestic attacks (including those ‘prevented from travel’). The National Terrorism
OFFICIAL
Threat Level remains at ‘probable’, meaning there is credible intelligence indicating
individuals or groups have both the intent and capability to conduct an attack.
THE
2
Since the threat level was raised, there have been several successful and foiled
attacks in Australia. These have included the stabbing of two police officers in
Melbourne in 2014, the murder of a police accountant in Parramatta in 2015 and the
disruption of attacks allegedly planned for Anzac Day and Mother’s Day in 2015.
UNDER
s6(a)
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s6(a)
1982
ACT
The New Zealand Counter Terrorism Environment
Refer separate classified note from NZSIS.
New Zealand’s Priorities
7
New Zealand’s domestic terrorist threat level remains lower than that of some of
our partners, but that does not mean we are complacent. We see a real risk that New
INFORMATION
Zealanders could be impacted either at home or overseas by terrorist attacks, and
while it is not the only source of terror, we would assess ISIL to be the greatest single
source of risk at present.
8
New Zealand’s major strategic priority is that we should be
neither a victim nor
a source of terrorism.
OFFICIAL
9
In terms of protecting ourselves from becoming a victim of terrorism at home,
then, a major focus is on preventing the development or spread of radical messages.
THE
10
Coordination right across government is critical. What we are finding – probably
at least in part because we don’t have a direct ‘existential’ terrorist threat to confront –
is that while the police and intelligence and security agencies all have a part to play,
so too do the social agencies, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the justice sector, and
UNDER
the local faith communities. Social sector agencies are collaborating with Police and
Corrections, for example, to “wrap around” at-risk individuals, especially young people.
Note that the numbers are really small – these programmes are really only at pilot
scale and build on programmes already in place to help at-risk youth.
11
We are fortunate in that we don’t believe that there is a problem with extremist
Islamist teaching by individuals actually operating within New Zealand, nor do we see
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widespread alienation among the Muslim population in New Zealand. That’s a view
shared by the leaders of the faith communities. But we are all equally keen not to let
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such a problem develop. Officials and community leaders are working side-by-side
on programmes to strengthen communities and enhance social cohesion.
12
So where people in New Zealand are being influenced by radical Islamist
ideology, it’s happening online – making what’s happening much less visible to the
community at large or indeed to officials. We are most concerned about the impact
on vulnerable youth. This underlines our reliance on effective intelligence, and great
1982
intelligence cooperation domestically and internationally, to know what is going on.
13
Intelligence about what is happening within New Zealand is helpful, but so too is
ACT
taking action to counter the messages which ISIL promulgates so effectively. s6(a)
14
And we still need to be vigilant, and to play our part in countering terrorism
abroad. It is not in New Zealand’s national character to stand by and assume that an
international threat such as that posed by Islamist extremism has nothing to do with
us. Additionally, international engagement with the counter-terrorism effort has direct
relevance on our ability to protect our own interests. This gives us better access to
INFORMATION
information to position our own assessment of the risk, and contributes to keeping
stable parts of the world which are important to us.
15
Our ability to provide value is dependent on partnerships with s6(a)
countries. New Zealand has troops in Iraq, working with Australia to train the Iraqi
forces to counter ISIL. Our Counter-Terrorism Ambassador is building relationships
OFFICIAL
with other countries in the region, specifically with Malaysia and Indonesia. And
collaborative efforts are already underway between various regional partners and New
Zealand’s intelligence, police and defence agencies.
THE
New Zealand’s Approach to Mitigating the Risk of Violent Extremism
16
A key tenet of New Zealand’s approach is an honest, dedicated and long-term
commitment to enhancing community engagement through policies and programmes
based on inclusivity, respect and tolerance.
UNDER
17
While these policies form a significant contribution to New Zealand’s domestic
counter-terrorism efforts, they were not in fact developed with counter-terrorism in
mind – and we are mindful that to label them ‘CVE or Counter-terrorism initiatives’
risks undermining the very inclusivity we are trying to promote.
18
New Zealand’s approach to CVE domestically reflects the low threat of violent
RELEASED
extremism here. Large scale programmes targeting wider communities are not always
appropriate in the New Zealand environment, where Police have positive relationships
with many communities and can address issues on a case-by-case basis. Ours is a
coordinated, whole of government effort where we identify and reduce local pressures
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that might turn vulnerable individuals toward a path of radicalisation and violent
extremism. Bring together resources from MSD, MoH, Education, Corrections and
Police, the interagency
Young Person Intervention Programme (YPIP) is currently a
‘pilot’ operating as a ‘wraparound’ for four individuals.
Additional Counter-Terrorism Priorities
19
Overview of threat landscape and attack plotting: the threat paradigm is
1982
shifting. s6(a)
We are
adjusting our arrangements to include a short- or no-notice event by an individual or
ACT
small group, to which front-line responders (Police, NZDF) must react and which is
over before national agencies have had time to properly engage. This requires new
planning / exercising regimes.
20 s6(a)
21
Increased intelligence sharing and integration: We are trying to ensure our
approach to information sharing improves domestic and international security
INFORMATION
outcomes, and that our settings match the global community’s expectations.
22
Enhanced Border Protection and Information Sharing:
Immigration New Zealand will strengthen protection against
identity fraud
in visa applications and when arriving at the border through the IDMe
initiative. This automatically matches biographic and biometric information
OFFICIAL
against existing Immigration New Zealand records. Advance Passenger
Processing and Passenger Name Record data will be used in outbound
passenger processing – this will incorporate a cleared passenger list (a
“white list”) to reduce the impact of al
THE
erts on genuine travellers, a VIP list (a
“green list”), and a persons of interest list (a “grey list”) which will be used
to notify agencies of the person’s imminent arrival.
New Zealand takes a case-by-case approach to sharing
watchlist
information.
UNDER
Targeting information is shared on an ad-hoc basis. A subset of entry
refusals, interdictions and offloads is routinely shared with Australia
New Zealand is introducing systematic checks against the
Interpol
passport database as part of its Advanced Passenger Processing
Immigration New Zealand has an initiative underway to establish
permanent Airline Liaison Officers at key airports around the world. They
will be involved in security and facilitation for travellers to New Zealand, and
RELEASED provide guidance and training to airline check-in and security staff. There is
also a new engagement initiative with new airlines and routes bound for
New Zealand.
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23
New Zealand Customs Counter-Terrorism border protection and
information sharing measures:
s6(a)
1982
s6(a)
s6(a), 6(c)
ACT
s6(a), 6(c)
Customs CT Intelligence team provides 24/7/365 on-call CT support for
Customs frontline work areas.
s6(a)
INFORMATION
s6(a)
OFFICIAL
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Dual Citizenship Renunciation
Key Points
The New Zealand Government continues to seek assurances from the
Australian Government of
prior and
genuine consultation on the handling of any
A/NZ dual national who faces the risk of losing their Australian citizenship for
engaging in terrorism-related conduct.
1982
We also want to ensure open lines of communication in the case of any
New Zealand-only citizens living in Australia with known or suspected
ACT
connections to terrorist activities and who may face visa cancellation and
deportation under the Migration Act.
s6(a)
INFORMATION
Background:
New provisions in Australia’s Citizenship Act for cancelling the Australian citizenship of dual-
nationals who engage in terrorism-related conduct entered into force in late 2015. Under the
provisions a dual-citizen automatically renounces Australian citizenship if they have been in
the service of a declared terrorist organisation, engaged in specified terrorism-related conduct,
or convicted of a specified terrorist-related offence.
OFFICIAL
s6(a)
THE
UNDER
New Zealand interests
4 s6(a)
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s6(a)
5 s6(a)
1982
6 While the Australian system has registered New Zealand’s interests and
expectations, it remains to be seen how consultation might play out in practice. s6(a)
ACT
7 s6(a)
INFORMATION
OFFICIAL
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Countering terrorism and violent extremism
Cat Barker, Foreign Affairs, Defence and Security
the world (including in Western nations)
have increased in both their frequency and,
Key Issue
somewhat less consistently, their severity.
Terrorism continues to evolve and
1982
several factors have resulted in
Domestic situation and outlook
increased threats internationally and
In September 2014, Australia raised its
domestically in recent years. This is
terror threat level for the first time since
ACT
a persistent threat that will require
the system was introduced in 2002. The
ongoing attention and resources.
decision was made in light of the number
of Australians who were joining conflicts in
Domestic coordination and
Iraq and Syria (and potentially returning);
international cooperation, particularly
supporting overseas extremist groups from
within the region, are important
Australia; and potentially planning domestic
components of an effective response.
attacks (including those ‘prevented from
Australia will need to remain
travel’). The National Terrorism Threat
responsive in a rapidly changing
Level remains at ‘probable’, meaning
environment. However, consideration
there is credible intelligence indicating
could be given to a strategic plan that
individuals or groups have both the intent
INFORMATION
would provide direction for, and foster
and capability to conduct an attack.
coordination of, countermeasures
over the longer term.
Since the threat level was raised, there
have been several successful and foiled
attacks in Australia. These have included
the stabbing of two police officers in
During the 44th Parliament, many countries,
Melbour
OFFICIAL ne in 2014, the
murder of a police
including Australia, became increasingly
accountant in Parramatta in 2015 and the
concerned about, and took additional steps
disruption of attacks allegedly planned for
to counter, domestic and international
Anzac Day and Mother’s Day in 2015.
THE
threats. These include nationals fighting
with overseas terrorist and insurgent groups
(‘foreign fighters’) and different forms of
The number of Australian civilians involved in
‘homegrown’ terrorism—whether it be
the Syrian and Iraq conflicts has plateaued,
individuals associated with particular groups,
remaining at around 110 for around
or so‑called ‘lone wolf’ or ‘lone actor’ threats.
18 months. This is due to a range of factors,
UNDER
including battlefield deaths and people being
prevented from travel by the interventions
The conflicts in Syria and Iraq, the rise
of families, communities and authorities.
of the ‘Islamic State’ group (IS) and its
declaration of a caliphate in June 2014
are key factors in the heightened terror
Police and security agencies are particularly
threat the world currently faces. While a
concerned about a trend towards individuals
small number of countries in the Middle
becoming involved with extremist groups and
East, South Asia and Africa continue to
ideologies at younger ages. This presents
RELEASED
account for a high proportion of attacks and
particular challenges, and even the Australian
resulting deaths, terrorist attacks around
Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) has
172
PARLIAMENTARY LIBRARY BRIEFING BOOK | KEY ISSUES FOR THE 45TH PARLIAMENT
Some key figures
16 counter‑terrorism operations in Australia since
September 2014, r
esulting in more than 40 people
being charged with terrorism and other offences
and disruption of nine attacks.
ASIO managing around 400 high‑priority
counterterrorism investigations.
Ar
ound 110 Australians fighting or engaged with
terrorist groups in Iraq and Syria, and 190 people
providing support (such as recruiting, funding) from
Australia.
About 40 Australians have been involved in those
conflicts and since returned, while
at least 50
emphasised the need for an approach that is
Challenges for the coming years include
Australian foreign fighters have been killed.
‘far broader and more sustained than simply
managing the threats associated with
a security and law enforcement response’.
returning foreign fighters and individuals
177 Australian passports have been cancelled and
prevented from travel, potential radicalisation
33 suspended.
ASIO has
assessed that while the more
in prisons, and managing the release of
likely form of terrorist attack in Australia
terrorism offenders back into the community.
remains a ‘low capability attack against a
“soft” target [such as a shopping centre
Regional situation and outlook
1982
or sporting event], perpetrated by a lone
actor or small group’, the threat of a
Many existing terrorist and extremist
more complex attack remains. The recent
groups throughout Southeast Asia have
completed and foiled attacks have been
pledged their allegiance to or support
ACT
of the smaller scale, lower capability type.
for IS, and some have indicated a wish
Lone actors and smaller informal networks
to establish an official IS province in
are more difficult for police and security
the region. IS has recently increased its
agencies to detect in advance, and low‑
propaganda efforts in the region, including
capability attacks can move quickly from
through videos featuring Indonesians and
idea to action as they require less planning.
Malaysians—at least one of which urged
militants in the region to
unite behind the
leader of the Philippines‑based Abu Sayyaf
Gr
oup—and the release in June 2016
Some key figures
of its first Malay language newspaper. In
INFORMATION
2016, both
Indonesia and Malaysia have
16 counter‑terrorism operations in
experienced successful IS‑related attacks.
Australia since September 2014,
r
esulting in more than 40 people
In Indonesia, after largely successful
being charged with terrorism and
counterterrorism efforts over several years,
other offences and disruption of
the al‑Qaeda aligned group, Jemaah
nine attacks.
Islamiyah, is reportedly rebuilding and
ASIO managing
around 400
OFFICIAL
preparing for attacks. It has been recruiting
high‑priority counterterrorism
again—with membership estimated to
investigations.
be back to around 2,000 (matching pre‑
Around
110 Australians fighting
Bali bombing levels)—raising funds,
THE
or engaged with terrorist groups
and sending fighters to train in Syria.
in Iraq and Syria, and 190 people
providing support (such as
The number of foreign fighters in Iraq and
recruiting, funding) from Australia.
Syria originating from Southeast Asian
About 40 Australians have been
nations is estimated to be in the range
UNDER
involved in those conflicts and
700–1,000. While this is small proportionally,
since retur
ned, while at least 50
authorities are nonetheless concerned about
Australian foreign fighters have
the threats posed by returning fighters.
been killed.
177 Australian passports
Ther
e have also been concerns raised about
have been cancelled and 33
how effective Indonesia’s deradicalisation
suspended.
efforts are, with the head of an organisation
that assists par
olees estimating that around
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40 per cent of 400 militants released as
at December 2015 have returned to a
173
radical network. One of the attackers in a
CVE programme, which comprises four
January 2016 incident in Jakarta had been
main streams of work—social inclusion;
released from prison several months earlier.
targeted work with vulnerable communities
and institutions; addressing online
Domestic countermeasures
terrorist propaganda; and diversion and
deradicalisation. This has generally been
In light of increased threats and activity, the
welcomed by experts in the field, though
Australian Government provided
additional
ther
e have also been calls for Australia not
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funding of $630.0 million for counterterrorism
to repeat the mistakes of the UK’s
Prevent
and countering violent extremism (CVE) in
strategy.
Prevent, the CVE component of the
August 2014, supplemented by an additional
UK’s counterterrorism strategy, has been
$326.4 million (excluding defence spending)
criticised by the
Independent Reviewer of
ACT
in the 2015–16 Budget. The bulk of that
Terrorism Legislation, amongst others, as
funding went to the intelligence and law
having become ‘a more significant source
enforcement agencies for counterterrorism
of grievance in affected communities
purposes. Less has been allocated to CVE
than the police and ministerial powers’.
measures, though the spending and focus
on this area has also increased compared
CVE initiatives are relatively new in Australia,
to pr
evious years. The 2016–17 Budget
with Australian Government efforts dating
included an additional $5.0 million for
back only to 2010. It will be important during
CVE, including $4.0 million to ‘establish
the process of expanding Australian CVE
and trial community support and advice
and deradicalisation initiatives to deal with
INFORMATION
services’ with the states and territories.
the current and future threat environment to
continue learning from overseas experience.
Specific funded initiatives included:
Interventions need to be adapted to the
Australian context and tailored to each
interventions to prevent Australians
individual’s particular circumstances.
becoming foreign fighters, including a
However, lessons can be drawn from
Community Diversion and Monitoring
the UK’s experience as well as
European
OFFICIAL
Team in the Australian Federal Police,
countries, such as Germany and Denmark,
a multi‑agency disruption group and
which have had some success addressing
additional investigators and analysts for
far‑right, far‑left and religious extremism.
THE
the Australian Crime and Intelligence
Commission
Some work remains in responding to the
the Australian Border Force establishing
recommendations of the
Review of Australia’s
counterterrorism units at Australia’s eight
Counter-Terrorism Machinery and the report
international airports
on the joint Commonwealth‑NSW review
of the Martin Place siege (both released
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a revised and expanded
CVE programme
February 2015). The ongoing coronial
and
inquest into the deaths that occurred during
funding for the establishment and initial
the Martin Place siege may identify further
operations of the Australian Intervention
issues requiring a response. In addition,
Support Hub (AISH).
in July
2016, the Prime Minister asked the
National Counter‑Terrorism Coordinator for
There has been incr
easing recognition
advice on several matters to guide efforts
of the need to work effectively across
to prevent lone actor attacks. Among the
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the spectrum, from prevention and early
matters the Coordinator will report on are
intervention, through to responding to actual
the vulnerability of soft targets and the
attacks. This is reflected in the revised
means to protect them; measures to ensure
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PARLIAMENTARY LIBRARY BRIEFING BOOK | KEY ISSUES FOR THE 45TH PARLIAMENT
vulnerable individuals who come into contact
terrorism financing. Australia hosted a
with the justice and health systems are
regional summit on CVE in June 2015 and
identified by security authorities; and how
co‑hosted a
counterterrorism financing
agencies are responding to the challenges
summit in November 2015 with Indonesia.
presented by rapidly radicalised lone actors.
The latter will become an annual summit,
with the next one to be held in Indonesia
While many of the fundamentals remain the
in August 2016. Australia and Indonesia
same, Australia’s counterterrorism framework
also co‑chair the GCTF Detention and
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underwent significant changes during the
Reintegration Working Group and Australia
last parliament, and many of those changes
has been keen to learn from
Malaysia
took place quickly in a reactive environment.
and
Singapore about their approaches
While it will remain important for Australia
and programs for deradicalisation.
ACT
to be responsive in this policy area, the
Australian Strategic Policy Institute has
The current security environment
suggested it is time for Australia to take a
highlights the importance of
step back and spend some time formulating
Australia’s continued engagement and
a strategic plan for counterterrorism. Such a
cooperation with regional partners.
plan would go beyond the Counter‑Terrorism
Strategy agreed to by governments in 2015,
See also the separate articles in this
by providing a framework to guide future
Briefing Book on national security and
work across different levels of government
counterterrorism laws, and Iraq and Syria
and ensuring it remains coordinated
(for information on military involvement).
INFORMATION
and directed towards shared goals.
Regional cooperation
Further reading
Australia has been working for some time
with countries in the region both bilaterally
C Barker,
Australian Government
and multilaterally through forums including
measures to counter violent
OFFICIAL
the Association of Southeast Asian
extremism: a quick guide, Research
Nations (ASEAN), the Jakarta Centre for
paper series, 2014–15, Parliamentary
Law Enforcement Cooperation and more
Library, Canberra, 2015.
recently, the Global Counterterrorism Forum
THE
(GCTF). Australia and Indonesia’s joint
Council of Australian Governments
investigation of the 2002 Bali bombings
(COAG), Australia’s counter-
built a strong foundation for cooperation,
terrorism strategy, COAG, 2015.
and Indonesia has been a key focus
of Australia’s bilateral capacity‑building
S Zeiger and A Aly
, eds, Countering
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and cooperation on counterterrorism.
violent extremism: developing an
Australia has also worked closely with
evidence-base for policy and practice,
Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines.
Curtin University, Perth, 2015.
Mirroring international developments and
JC Liow, ‘
ISIS in the Pacific:
attention, there was somewhat of a shift
assessing terrorism in Southeast
in Australia’s regional engagement during
Asia and the threat to the homeland’,
the last parliament, with a greater focus
Brookings Institution, 27 April 2016.
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on: CVE, including online; deradicalisation;
foreign fighter issues; and countering
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UNCLASSIFIED
Funding and National Security
Background notes for Australia-New Zealand National Security Dialogue
Security Intelligence Agencies
The Government has made a number of investments in the core intelligence and security
agencies in the past two years. In the New Zealand context, the Government has expected
all departments to operate within their fixed nominal baselines over this period. So the
increases are significant in this context.
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s6(a)
ACT
INFORMATION
Defence
In 2013, Cabinet agreed to an indicative plan of capability and associated funding so that the
Defence Force could deliver on the Government’s stated Defence Policy – the Defence Mid-
Point Rebalancing Review. Significant investment has occurred in the New Zealand
Defence Force since:
2014: $535 million between 2014/15 and 2017/18 ($170 million ongoing);
OFFICIAL
2015: $239 million between 2015/16 and 2018/19 ($84 million ongoing); and
2016: $301 million between 2016/17 and 2019/20 ($90 million ongoing).
THE
In 2016, Cabinet agreed to an indicative plan of capability and associated funding so that the
Defence Force could deliver on the Government’s stated Defence Policy as per the Defence
White Paper 2016. The indicative levels of new investment in future years are similar to
those provided in Budgets 2014 to 2016.
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In Budget 2015 there was also a material increase of $27 million between 2015/16 and
2018/19 for the Ministry of Defence to improve New Zealand’s military equipment
procurement ($8.6m ongoing).
Note all of the above numbers for Defence are operating expenditure
.
At the Defence White Paper 2016 the Government also signalled a commitment to a portfolio
of planned Defence capability investments valued at close to $20 billion capital expenditure
to 2030.
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New Zealand
Security Intelligence
Service
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Te Pa Whakarnarumaru
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Australia-New Zealand National
Security Dialogue
Session 1: Sharing Perspectives
INFORMATION
Strategic Goals
In the next four years, in order to ensure that:
(1)
New Zealanders are safer: New Zealanders - whether at home or abroad -
OFFICIAL
are kept safe from physical (national security) threats. In particular, this
outcome refers to NZSIS's contribution towards countering terrorism
(2)
New Zealand Institutions
THE are protected: New Zealand's most significant
institutions - government and non-government - are protected from internal
and external threats
(3)
New Zealand's National Advantage is promoted: New Zealand is able to
fulfil its role in the international environment in terms of understanding its
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region, contributing to international security and advancing its political and
economic interests
NZSIS will have:
• Significantly increased coverage of domestic security threats, including
counter-terrorism, counter-espionage and counter-intelligence
• Delivered a step-change in whole-of-government protective security practices
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• Delivered highly valued foreign intelligence
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Enabled the continued monitoring of domestic threats
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Enhanced the effectiveness and efficiency of our security intelligence
functions through the introduction of a new operating model
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• Delivered a step-change in the quality, speed and customer experience of
vetting through a continuous improvement approach and introduction of a new
security clearance management system
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Enhanced the ability of staff to meet legal obligations with the support of a new
compliance team
Enhanced the capability of our staff through a new Intelligence Training
@
Programme
Organisational Reform
1.
The NZSIS has continued its ambitious organisational change programme to
INFORMATION
modernise our systems and culture. These changes will ensures that the NZSIS has
the capability, systems, and people to meet the challenges of a complex and
changing threat environment now, and into the future.
2.
The NZSIS's change programme was launched to address a number of
challenges identified by the 2014 Performance Improvement Framework (PIF)
review. The NZSIS is halfway through its change programme and has made
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significant progress to date. The change programme has five different components:
111
Match-fit leadership: strong organisations start with high-performing leaders
who set clear priorities and
THE strategies. The NZSIS has focussed on improving
management and leadership across all levels of the organisation; from the Senior
Leadership Team through to Branch, Section and Team leaders.
111
Outstanding people: As an organisation focused on human intelligence, we
recognise that people are our greatest asset. Investment in our people and their
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skills ensures that we are ready and able to protect New Zealand and the New
Zealand public. The NZSIS continues to train, develop, and put systems and
processes in place to support employees and enable them to succeed in their
careers.
•
Systems that enable: Effective leadership and outstanding people will only
be as strong as the systems that enable them. Strong systems are enablers for
the NZSIS's work. They ensure that we are effective, efficient, considered,
proportionate, and compliant in all aspects of our work.
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Delivery excellence: The NZSIS aims to be an effective and efficient
organisation, delivering excellence and impact to the New Zealand public and
government decision makers.
Iii
Powerful profile: To be successful, the NZSIS requires the support of the
New Zealand public, and our domestic and international partners need to
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understand and value the work NZSIS does. The NZSIS cannot be successful in
our mission if we operate in isolation.
ACT
Legislative Reform
1.
The first independent review of intelligence and security in New Zealand by
the Honourable Michael Cullen and Dame Patsy Reddy recommended significant
changes to the way the Agencies currently operate. The government has considered
their report since late February 2016, and its response is the New Zealand
Intelligence and Security Bill introduced on 15 August.
2.
The NZIC is anticipating that the bill will be passed in February/March 2017,
with all aspects of the Act coming into force in September 2017.
INFORMATION
3.
This bill will be the most significant change to NZSIS's legislation since the
original passage of the NZSIS Act (1969); of specific note the legislation will:
8
apply to both NZSIS and GCSB; and alter how we work together
• create a new warrants and approval regime (i.e. purpose-based vs class-
based warrants)
• specify FTF powers (e.g. visual surveillance and urgent authorisations)
OFFICIAL
8
give explicit access to specific datasets
8
Result in NZSIS becoming a Government department, and be subject to the
State Sector Act
THE
4.
In order to ensure the legislation is implemented effectively, the Agencies
have established a Legislative Implementation Programme Team which is overseen
by the Programme Steering Group. Governance is provided by the Programme
Governance Board. Subject matter experts will be engaged to support the relevant
work stream activities.
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Building Public trust and engagement in the security agencies
1.
The new bill will contribute to the building of public trust and ·confidence, by
providing clarity in the law, and additional reassurance that we are acting lawfully,
through increased ministerial, parliamentary and Inspector-General's oversight.
2.
NZSIS has also increased public trust and confidence through the following:
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• In 2015, the NZSIS commissioned a review of compliance. The review made a
number of recommendations to increase compliance in the NZSIS, and a
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Session 2.3: Responding to Common Challenges (Countering Violent
Extremism)
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1.
The terrorism threat level in New Zealand is LOW
(terrorist attack is assessed as
possible, but is not expected), and terrorist threats against New Zealand are very rare. NZSIS
nonetheless remains guarded to the threat of terrorism, especially that from extreme
ACT
lslamist groups whose calls for attacks in the West have inspired both complex terror plots
and unsophisticated, lone-actor attacks.
2.
NZSIS assesses a small number of New Zealanders ascribe to radical interpretations
of Islam, and that some of these individuals are supportive of terrorism and may pose a
threat to New Zealand.
Current Domestic CT Environment
..
As of 30 June 2016, there were, at any one time, between 30 and 40 people listed on
the NZSIS counter-terrorism risk register. These individuals were determined to represent an
INFORMATION
actual or potential terrorism threat to New Zealand and include individuals in New Zealand
and offshore. s6(a) New Zealanders under investigation by NZSIS are assessed to be located
in Syria, s6(a)
s6(a)
..
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s6(a)
the return of such individuals is a realistic
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possibility for the future. These individuals could return with the requisite skills and
experience to use weapons and explosives, or have the ability to contact and/or facilitate
others to fight with extremist militant groups.
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Offshore threats
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Trends
INFORMATION
•
The small number of extremists in New Zealand and the absence to date of any
domestic terrorist attacks make it difficult to assess the New Zealand terrorism and violent
extremism environment for trends .
s6(a)
OFFICIAL
THE
New Zealand as a target of offshore-direct terrorism
•
We have not seen credible intelligence to indicate any group is advancing plans to
conduct an attack in New Zealand.
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•
New Zealand's deployment to Iraq, to date, has not had any direct effect on the
domestic terrorism threat level. While the New Zealand flag has appeared in ISIL media,
alongside flags of other nations that contribute to the counter-lSIL coalition, ISIL has not
officially commented on the deployment.
•
However, officials continue to judge that it is likely to make an attack in New Zealand
or against New Zealanders more permissible to a wider range of extremists. s6(a)
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Information-sharing (general)
..
NZSIS shares information with international liaison partners, other New Zealand
government departments, and the New Zealand Police as is necessary and lawful in order to
advance its investigations into persons of national security concern. NZSIS also routinely
shares published intelligence reporting with FVEY partners. NZSIS has established liaison
officers
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to assist the sharing of information with both
traditional and non-traditional partners.
"
NZSIS notes that liaison, police and government partners are typically responsive on
ACT
matters related to terrorism, and these relationships generally function well within the
constraints that accompany the sharing of classified intelligence and national security
information.
NZSIS relationship with New Zealand Law Enforcement
..
NZSIS works closely with New Zealand Police (NZP) to provide national security
assessments and intelligence about counter terrorism issues; formally reported through
security intelligence reports and regular briefings. This may result in a joint investigation into
an individual, with NZP focussing on pursuing criminal charges and NZSIS focussing on
reporting an individuals activity of national security concern.
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NZSIS ,-elationship with Australian Law Enforcement
"
As an intelligence agency with a reporting mandate only, NZSIS' primary relationship
THE
with Australian law enforcement agencies is transacted through s6(a)
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his provides a
clear channel for communication and information sharing, with ASIO and NZP owning the
relationship with the AFP.
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INFORMATION
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